Ardern, fighting a rearguard action after being kicked out of politics by the WEF, arranges attack on news reporter

Ardern, fighting a rearguard action after being kicked out of politics by the WEF, arranges attack on news reporter

Typical tag story by the Herald, March 1, 2023

Conspiracy theorist Liz Gunn has broken her silence on her Auckland Airport arrest, describing police actions as “vicious” and claiming she offered no resistance to a “hulk” of a police officer.

Former TV presenter Gunn was arrested on Saturday night after a scuffle at the airport’s international arrivals hall.

NZ television presenter Liz Gunn attacked by former PM Ardern’s Gestapo at airport. Her virulent ‘Letter to Jacinda’ video from February was published yesterday by Cairns News, already has had four thousand views and going viral.

Gunn made the comments in a lengthy text message to Sean Plunket, which the broadcaster read in full on-air.

The message, which made several references to both fascism and communism, offered her retelling of the arrest in detail. Police told the Herald they could not comment about Gunn’s claims while the matter was before the courts. Auckland Airport directed any questions to police.

She described the moment she was arrested as “vicious”.

“Once he had viciously cuffed my hurt wrist for no reason except intimidation and dominance, I had offered no resistance, I repeated my question. I was at all times in lawyer mode, seeking answers, and exploring my rights calmly and cogently. I said twice ‘under what piece of legislation are you doing this’ and the second time he snarled: ‘I don’t have to tell you that’”.

Gunn said she was “less than half the size” of the man who arrested her.

“I’m 63, weighed less than half the hulk’s size, offered no resistance and within 15 seconds he had my arm sharply and very roughly high twisted behind my back, was pulling at my thumb while contorting my hand at the wrist and kicking me under my body.

She claimed the man responded “good” when she said he was hurting her and said she felt like her thumb was going to break during the arrest.

Gunn and a cameraman had been trying to film the arrival into New Zealand of members of a family who had been kept in lockdown in Tokelau after refusing the Covid vaccine but Gunn characterised that encounter as “simply filming friends arriving” and claimed she was not verbally trespassed by Auckland Airport staff before police became involved.

Auckland Airport requires media to seek clearance before they film there – a long-standing rule that is well-known by the media.

Gunn claimed the rules did not apply to her.

“We make no regular income and are not a commercial enterprise, we do this mahi from love.”

After starting her career as a litigation lawyer, Gunn presented Sunday for TVNZ in the early 1990s. She was part of the original TVNZ Breakfast team alongside Mike Hosking and Susan Wood in 1997. In 2001, Gunn took Alison Mau’s place as host, forming a team alongside Hosking, but sparked headlines when she suddenly quit live on air.

During her stint at TVNZ between 1990 and 2003, Gunn also worked at Radio New Zealand, hosting a number of shows before finishing in 2016.

She was also a prominent supporter of the parents in the case of Baby W – in which the baby’s parents did not want their ill baby to receive a blood transfusion from anyone who had received the Covid vaccine.

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Hate speech or free speech? Balancing religious sensitivities with liberty

Hate speech or free speech? Balancing religious sensitivities with liberty

The New Zealand government’s most recent failed attempt to enact hate speech laws shows just how difficult it is to strike the right balance between free speech and the protection of religious beliefs.

The tension between free speech and the protection of religious beliefs has long been a subject of debate around the world, and the complexities of hate speech laws have become a challenging issue. In New Zealand, this debate has been especially prominent in recent decades, with several high-profile cases and tragic events bringing the issue to the forefront of public discourse. In this article, we will explore some of these cases both in New Zealand and abroad, and examine the challenges faced by governments in balancing free speech and religious beliefs.

While the intentions behind these laws may be noble, their practical application is often called into question. Critics argue that such laws can be used to silence legitimate criticism, artistic expression, and intellectual inquiry, while doing little to prevent violent behaviour.

In New Zealand, one of the most notable cases of the 1980s involved the release of Martin Scorsese’s film, The Last Temptation of Christ. The film, which was based on a novel by Nikos Kazantzakis, depicts the life of Jesus Christ and imagines what his life might have been like had he given in to temptation and abandoned his mission. It sparked widespread protests from Christian groups around the world, including in New Zealand.

When the movie was first released in New Zealand, it was banned by the then Chief Censor, who argued that it was likely to cause ‘serious and widespread offence’ to Christians. However, the decision to ban the film was challenged, and a public debate ensued about the limits of artistic expression and the need to protect religious beliefs.

Eventually, after a court case and public pressure, the ban was overturned, and the movie was released in New Zealand in 1990 with an R18 rating.

In 1988, the same year that Scorsese’s film was released, Salman Rushdie published his highly controversial novel The Satanic Verses. It unleashed an unprecedented firestorm of global protest, including a fatwa (Islamic religious edict) from the Supreme Leader of Iran calling for the death of Rushdie. Critics of the book, which included the Archbishop of Canterbury, argued that it contained offensive depictions of the Prophet Muhammad, which they claimed constituted hate speech. They argued that the book was a deliberate provocation, intended to offend Muslims, and that it was not protected under free speech principles. Some also argued that the book was anti-Islamic propaganda, intended to promote hatred and discrimination against Muslims.

Those who defended the book and Rushdie’s right to publish it argued that it was a work of fiction, and that all ideas and beliefs, including religious ones, should be open to scrutiny and criticism. They claimed that the book was not intended to be anti-Islamic or hateful, but rather to explore complex issues of identity, faith, and cultural conflict.

In 1989, after the book was banned in several countries and the fatwa had been issued, the New Zealand government classified the book as objectionable and banned its importation, distribution, and possession. The ban was lifted in 1991 after a court ruling found it to be a violation of freedom of expression under the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act. Sadly, the effects of this controversy continue to this day, with Rushdie surviving a serious stabbing attack last August when he was about to give a public lecture in New York.

In 1998, just two weeks after its opening, the Te Papa Museum in Wellington displayed a controversial art installation titled Virgin in a Condom. An event which has since been described as Te Papa’s ‘baptism of fire’. The artwork, created by artist Tania Kovat, featured a statue of the Virgin Mary enclosed in a condom. The display caused outrage among many Christians, who saw it as an offensive desecration of a religious symbol. The Archbishop of Wellington, Cardinal Tom Williams was an early and prominent complainant to Te Papa, and although the museum held firm against its critics, it is noteworthy that no significant exhibition of international contemporary art has been held at Te Papa since this early exhibition.

While the government did not take any direct action against the artwork, it did demonstrate the complexities of balancing free speech and religious beliefs. On the one hand, the artist had the right to free expression and to create artwork that challenged societal norms. On the other hand, the display was seen as deeply offensive to many people and sparked a debate about whether such displays should be allowed in public spaces.

In March 2019, New Zealand experienced a tragedy that was driven by hate. A white supremacist gunman opened fire on two mosques in Christchurch, killing 51 people and injuring many others. The attack was motivated by the shooter’s hatred of Muslims and immigrants, and it shook New Zealand to its core. In the aftermath of the shooting, there were calls to strengthen hate speech laws in order to prevent similar attacks in the future.

In response, the New Zealand government passed the Christchurch Call, which aims to prevent online extremism and to promote the use of technology to combat hate speech. While the move was widely supported, the recommendations of the Royal Commission of Inquiry have not yet been fully implemented.

Elsewhere, in Russia the Pussy Riot protest in Moscow’s Cathedral of Christ the Savior in 2012 was another example of the tension between free speech and religious beliefs. The feminist punk rock group performed a ‘punk prayer’ criticising the closeness of the Russian Orthodox Church to Russian President Vladimir Putin and calling for the Virgin Mary to ‘drive him away’. The protest was seen as highly disrespectful and offensive to many believers and a violation of the sanctity of the Church. In response, three members of the group were arrested and charged with hooliganism and blasphemy.

However, the harsh punishment imposed on the group, including imprisonment, sparked debate about the limits of free speech and the protection of religious spaces. In her excellent and moving memoir Pussy Riot: Riot Days, group member Maria Alyokhina reflects on the group’s motivations and the broader political context of the protest. The book provides a powerful personal account of the protest and its aftermath and raises important questions about the relationship between political dissent and religious expression, and the role of art and performance in social activism particularly when speaking out against powerful institutions.

In France, the 2015 Charlie Hebdo shooting, which left 12 people dead, was a tragic reminder of the dangers of extremist violence in response to perceived insults to religious beliefs. The attack was motivated by the magazine’s publication of cartoons depicting the Prophet Muhammad, which many Muslims found deeply offensive. The incident raised questions about the right to freedom of expression and the need to respect religious sensitivities.

While the attack was widely condemned, there were also debates over whether the cartoons were an exercise of free speech or an act of hate speech. In France, there are hate speech laws that protect religious belief, and some argued that the cartoons breached those laws although the cartoon in question did not directly incite hatred or discrimination against Muslims as a group. However, others argued that the cartoons were a legitimate form of criticism and that freedom of expression should be protected. In fact, France has a long tradition of secularism and free expression, and the right to criticise religion is seen as an important part of that tradition.

Whilst these examples are extreme, they serve to illustrate that hate speech laws seldom prevent actual instances of violence nor result in successful prosecutions even when the conduct is considered by some to be deeply offensive. Criminal charges are often considered by the authorities in these situations but there is rarely enough certainty that a judge or jury would view the conduct in the same way as the offended group to justify moving forward with the prosecution. In high-profile cases, there is the additional consideration that any such prosecution could simply inflame and intensify the heated public debate.

At the lower end of the spectrum there are examples of everyday behaviour inadvertently falling foul of these laws. For instance, in the UK a teenager faced prosecution for holding a placard near the London headquarters of the Church of Scientology which called the church a cult. It led to Liberty director, Shami Chakrabarti (now Labour peer, Baroness Chakrabarti), saying, ‘This barmy prosecution makes a mockery of Britain’s free speech tradition.’

In 2011, British Police apologised to the owner of a Christian café after they threatened to arrest him for displaying passages from the Bible on a television screen on the basis that he was violating a ban on the use of insulting or abusive language.

These overzealous reactions by the authorities serve to highlight that the unintended consequences of hate speech laws extend far beyond academic discourse, artistic expression, and political speech. They can also have a chilling effect on everyday social interactions and conduct. As George Orwell chillingly warned in his dystopian masterpiece 1984, ‘Don’t you see that the whole aim of Newspeak is to narrow the range of thought? In the end, we shall make thoughtcrime literally impossible, because there will be no words in which to express it.’

This warning is especially pertinent to religious hate speech laws, as their broad and ambiguous definitions can be exploited to stifle free expression and curtail open dialogue, even in settings where diverse viewpoints are crucial. The potential for censorship and self-censorship is a real and constant danger when governments are given the power to regulate speech. Therefore, whether you are a provocative artist, a daring comedian, or a regular member of the public, it is crucial to oppose hate speech laws that threaten our fundamental right to free expression.

Thomas Cranmer is a lawyer with over 25 years of experience in some of the world’s biggest law firms. He divides his time between the UK and NZ. He writes on Substack exploring issues facing NZ under his nom du plume, Cranmer. This article was first published at The Common Room.

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The Next Phase of the End Game

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Fire At New Zealand’s Largest Egg Farm Amid Suspicious National Shortage

Fire At New Zealand’s Largest Egg Farm Amid Suspicious National Shortage


Fire At New Zealand’s Largest Egg Farm Amid Suspicious National Shortage

75,000 Hens Killed

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The latest major food supplier to go up in flames, after decades of food suppliers not going up in flames, is New Zealand’s largest egg producer – after a blaze broke out on Monday, killing around 75,000 hens.

The fire at Zeagold farm had “taken the better part of the day to contain,” according to the company, adding that twelve workers on the site were “unharmed but very distressed.”

Prior to the fire, New Zealand farmers estimated that the country needed another 300,000 hens to deal with a national egg shortage, The Guardian reports.

The spokesperson added that while it was still too early to assess how much the fire would affect the supply chain, “There will be some impact obviously – it’s not a great thing to happen in the middle of a shortage.

New Zealand has been in the grip of an egg shortage since the start of the year, when it put an end to battery farming. The ban had been in the works since 2012 and battery hen numbers had dropped over time to make up just 10% of overall egg production – but their final outlawing at the start of January has still been enough to jolt the egg supply chain, leaving supermarket shelves empty, shop owners policing tray purchases and big-breakfast lovers bereft.

The shortage has reached the point of contention: one small-town supermarket banned a cruise ship crew from further egg purchases after they cleared the shelves; newspapers have issued advice columns on egg-free baking and tofu scrambles; and in January, the SPCA released an advisory telling New Zealanders not to engage in kneejerk purchases of back yard poultry, after concerns that a rise in amateur chicken ownership would result in the animals not being properly cared for. –The Guardian

Egg supplies are tight, so this will not assist in any way,” said Michael Brooks, executive director of the Egg Producers Federation.

The fire comes roughly one week after one of America’s top egg suppliers, Hillandale Farms, burned down, killing up to 100,000 chickens.

_________

RELATED

Shortage Fears Spike As Some Costco And Walmart Stores Run Out Of Eggs

Egg Crisis Sparks Soaring Interest In Backyard Farms

Another US Food Processing Plant Erupts In Flames

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(TLB) published this article from ZeroHedge as compiled and written by Tyler Durden

Header featured image (edited) credit:  Egg plant/orginal ZH article

Emphasis added by (TLB) editors

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Stay tuned to …

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URGENT: A big New Zealand study reveals high rates of kidney injury after the Pfizer jab

URGENT: A big New Zealand study reveals high rates of kidney injury after the Pfizer jab


URGENT: A big New Zealand study reveals high rates of kidney injury after the Pfizer jab

1,800 more cases than expected followed the shots, one for every 2,200 completed vaccinations; the finding is more evidence that the jabs may cause cardiovascular damage.

Drawing on a national database of over four million people, researchers in New Zealand have found a strong association between Pfizer’s mRNA Covid shot and kidney injuries.

In the three weeks after a mRNA jab, the risk of acute kidney injury rose 60 percent, the researchers found. They reported almost 1,800 extra cases – the equivalent of over 100,000 extra cases of kidney injury in the United States.

The finding was posted as a “preprint” in The Lancet’s database on Friday, Jan. 20. It is the third signal from a large government-managed database linking the Pfizer’s mRNA shots to serious side effects in only the last six weeks.

(There’s nothing cute about kidney injuries! 2279+2370-1446-1425=A LOT. Or 1778, to be specific.)

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The authors did not define “acute kidney injury,” a term that can cover anything from relatively benign changes on laboratory tests to a serious loss of renal function.

Still, the finding is yet another signal of the potential cardiovascular risks of the mRNAs. The kidneys essentially function as filters for the blood, and renal injuries often result from reduced blood flow to the kidneys.

The researchers also found elevated rates of heart inflammation, blood clots, and platelet damage in the weeks after one or both of the shots. In all, they found a statistical link between the Pfizer shot for four of the 12 conditions they examined.

The finding is particularly strong because the researchers did not have to depend on voluntary reporting. Instead, they compared New Zealand’s national health records to its national database of people over five who received the vaccine. Just over 4 million New Zealanders, including 95 percent of adults and teenagers, received the shots, providing a large pool to track.

The researchers then compared the number of “adverse events” they found to historical background rates.

In addition, New Zealand had relatively low rates of Covid for most of the period during which people received the Pfizer jabs, so Covid itself cannot be blamed for the excess injuries.

Four of the five researchers on the paper work for the New Zealand government, which has avidly promoted the shots. It is probably only coincidence that they opened their discussion of the findings with the good news: “BNT162b2 vaccination was not found to be associated with the majority of the selected AESIs. [adverse events of special interest].”

Yes, the Pfizer jab was associated with only some of the possible side effects the researchers examined, not every single one.

Look on the bright side, people.

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Excess Death Spike Now Seen Simultaneously in 30 Western Nations

Data from across the Western world shows an unusual excess death spike that demands an explanation.

At least 30 Western nations are experiencing a coincidental spike in excess deaths years after the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic, according to statistics from national databases.

Examples of the national data in question have been circulating for months on social media. This week, up-to-date statistics were collated and summarised by Covid commentator Dr John Campbell. A retired Ph.D. nurse educator from northern England, Campbell has had over 600 million views on his popular YouTube channel.

Australia, the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada and New Zealand, as well as 25 European countries or subnational regions, all have rising excess mortality data showing hundreds of thousands of collective excess deaths during the latter half of 2022.

“I think we are in somewhat of an international emergency,” the usually understated Campbell tells viewers in his most recent video.

Despite heavy interest from the legacy press in daily deaths during the pandemic, mainstream news outlets are yet to show any interest in the highly unusual spike in worldwide excess mortality.

What the Excess Death Statistics Say

In the United States, excess deaths throughout 2022 total more than 242,000, per CDC and census data. According to Campbell, this is the opposite of what should be expected since so many of the nation’s vulnerable already died during the pandemic and immunity should be higher now than in recent years.

Excess mortality also remains high in Canada, though currently, Statistics Canada only provides data until August 2022.

In Australia, the most recent provisional mortality statistics show almost 20,000 more deaths than the historical average — a 16% spike. Less than half of these, or 8,160, are attributable to Covid-19. The remainder are yet unexplained, though a significant number have been referred to coroners.

New Zealand has seen a 10% rise in deaths between 2021 and 2022 per StatsNZ data.

Excess Death Data in the UK and Europe

Statistics bureaus in the United Kingdom are releasing particularly worrisome data. During a single week in January, almost 20,000 deaths were recorded, or 20.4% more than the historical average. As Campbell points out, in raw numbers that week more UK citizens died than there were victims in the 2001 World Trade Centre terrorist attack, yet the press has responded with “a deafening silence”.

As elsewhere, in the UK, Covid-19 cases and hospitalisations are going down and intensive care admissions remain low, even as excess deaths are up, indicating that the vast majority of these excess deaths are not attributable to Covid-19. Indeed, only 5.3% of UK deaths involve Covid-19, per the Office for National Statistics.

According to EuroMOMO data, all-cause mortality is significantly up in 25 European nations or subnational regions. Elevated levels of excess mortality are seen in all age groups compared to average levels from before 2020.

Excess Deaths and the Bradford Hill criteria

In summarising the worldwide data trend, Campbell refers to the Bradford Hill criteria, a set of principles widely used in epidemiology to establish a causal relationship between an effect and its presumed cause.

According to Campbell, the Bradford Hill criteria has been met in the excess deaths fiasco, though he stops short of naming the probable cause for fear of violating YouTube’s so-called COVID-19 medical misinformation policy.

“I really hope this stops soon,” Campbell laments, adding, “But even if it did stop tomorrow, this demands an explanation.”

Image via Unsplash.

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New Zealand’s PM is a welcome change from Jacinda Ardern

New Zealand’s PM is a welcome change from Jacinda Ardern

Chris Hipkins can afford to feel pleased with his first days in office as Prime Minister of New Zealand. In his inaugural press conference, Hipkins came across as thoughtful and intelligent. In a welcome change from his predecessor, Jacinda Ardern, he was also gratifyingly dull.

Hipkins has vowed to shift his focus back to basics, concentrating on the cost-of-living crisis and tackling crime. Gone are some of the more contentious policies, such as unemployment insurance, espoused by Ardern. ‘Over the coming week,’ he said, ‘the cabinet will be making decisions on reining in some programmes and projects that aren’t essential right now’.

A bit more tedium at the top might not be such a bad thing

His warning against ‘doing too much too fast’, might have been just what the spin-doctor ordered for the 44-year-old as he seeks to introduce himself anew as the South Pacific nation’s 41st premier.

‘It’s a big day for a boy from the Hutt,’ Hipkins added, namechecking the place he grew up in and which itself has a reputation for being less than electrifying.

The new Prime Minister is the first to hail from my own childhood stomping ground, the Hutt Valley: a monotonously flat, rough-around-the-edges suburban expanse located just north of the capital Wellington.

In the wake of Ardern’s stardust premiership, often verging on a crypto-religious cult of personality, a bit more tedium at the top might not be such a bad thing. Even Ardern’s harshest critics never accused her of being bland. Her premiership seldom lacked for colour, eventfulness or hard work. Rather too much of it in fact.

By the time she announced she was stepping down, her favourability ratings were as pit-low as they had been sky-high only a few years earlier when she led her Labour party to a stunning victory in 2020. A flurry of dismal political opinion polls published before Christmas consistently had them unable to form the next government.

Increasingly, the huge reservoir of international acclaim that continues to be hers seemed to be in inverse proportion to perceptions closer to home. Many Kiwis thought that Ardern could no longer handle the tedious but necessary stuff of running a nation of five million increasingly fretful souls. Ardern, busy on the international stage, turned a blind eye to the basics: ensuring the coppers were doing their job, the hospitals were well managed – and kids were getting a decent education.

Most people outside of New Zealand have never heard of Hipkins, but that counts in his favour. One of the reasons Hipkins hasn’t made the headlines is because so much of his fifteen years in national politics has been spent buried in the boring detail; poring over portfolios that voters now say are more important than his predecessor’s pop star bona fides and cover photo shoots for British Vogue.

In the time since Ardern first led her Labour party to victory in 2017, Hipkins variously served – and generally served well – as minister of police, education, the public service and health. Ardern’s ‘minister of everything’ beavered away boringly in the background, while his political boss went about her rather more vastly thematic business as minister of global kindness.

Hipkins was charged with implementing New Zealand’s Covid response. Not a lot of joy to be had there. It’s the only real period in his political career to date when he had a serious opportunity to match his leader’s televisual presence, often appearing alongside giving daily updates on the pandemic back in the dear, dead days of early Omicron. His performances tended to be a mixed bag.

In one, looking to put the cheeriest political face on his government’s draconian zero-Covid policies, he urged the women of New Zealand to look on the bright side of what at the time was yet another lockdown; enjoy the sun outside, he implored, and ‘spread your legs’.

Now the boy from the Hutt has an opportunity to stretch his own legs. The hope must be that his countrymen will not only forget the verbal gaffe from that period but also overlook the much harsher substance of the policies Hipkins was peddling.

During Hipkins’s time as Covid chief, more than a million Kiwis were effectively locked out of their own country and millions of other voters found themselves effectively locked in. Probably the nadir of his time politically fronting for much of this chaos was the Kafkaesque case of the pregnant New Zealand Al Jazeera reporter in Afghanistan, Charlotte Bellis, whom the Taliban offered safe haven to after she was repeatedly turned down for giving birth to her child in Ardern’s version of New Kindland.

The hope within his Labour party must also be that their new leader can not only cause those memories to fade but also somehow put the slip on the usual fate awaiting governments anywhere who change their prime ministers without a general election.

This will be the eighth such changing of the guard in New Zealand in the past 75 years. None of the other seven ‘unelected leaders’ had much time to get acquainted with the job: all were soon dumped after failing to excite voters.

In deliberately choosing not to excite the punters to begin with, however, the ‘absolutely humbled and honoured’ new Hutt boy could yet be on to something.

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New Zealand’s Prime Minister Is The First Covid Tyrant To Fall, But She Won’t Be The Last

New Zealand’s Prime Minister Is The First Covid Tyrant To Fall, But She Won’t Be The Last

New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern announced her resignation this week after being the nation’s leader for six years. She cited “burnout” as the reason. But many believe Ardern chose to exit early because she expected to face a humiliating defeat in this year’s election. Many Kiwis (a nickname for New Zealanders) are fed up with her government’s harsh Covid-19 restrictions. 

Ardern was only 37 when she was elected as prime minister. She championed leftists’ favorite causes, such as climate change and so-called gender equality. She rose to international fame following the 2019 Christchurch terrorist attack, when a gunman killed 51 people in two mosques. Ardern quickly introduced a strict gun law that banned all “military-style” semi-automatic guns and so-called “assault rifles,” and established a mandatory gun “buyback” program. Arden also wore a hijab to show her respect for the Muslim community. She became a leftist darling and gained fans worldwide. Her images adorned the cover of Time and Vogue. In many ways, she became the AOC of New Zealand. 

It turned out the strict gun law Ardern championed failed to curb gun crimes. On the contrary, gun crimes rose to a 10-year high after the law went into effect, according to Radio New Zealand. But the pandemic was really the defining moment for Ardern and revealed that she is not the compassionate democracy defender she wanted us to believe. 

In early 2020, when New Zealand had only 100 Covid cases, Ardern took the “go hard and go early” approach and imposed some of the world’s strictest lockdowns. Borders were closed in March 2020, and the nation became a giant prison. Families were separated, and no foreigners or overseas New Zealand citizens were allowed to enter the country. New Zealanders had to shelter in place and could only leave their residences to buy groceries or medical supplies.

Ardern believed her approach was necessary to eliminate Covid-19. Like China’s dictator Xi Jinping, she declared her “zero Covid” policy a victory in October 2020 right before her reelection, when the nation reported fewer than 25 Covid-related deaths and fewer than 2,000 cases since March 2020. Ardern won a second term with a landslide victory. She was regarded as a hero, and many pointed to the so-called New Zealand model as a justification for lockdowns. 

Authoritarian Policies

Yet when the nation discovered only one Delta variant Covid case in August 2021, Ardern swiftly re-imposed a nationwide lockdown. This time, however, her “zero Covid” policy failed to stop the spread of the highly infectious variant. The new variant spread nationwide, and the number of cases rose.

Ardern imposed a vaccine mandate to reach a nationwide 90 percent vaccination rate. Customers were required to present vaccine certificates before entering any business establishment, and any business wishing to reopen had to have its staff vaccinated. No one was allowed to get a religious exemption. In a nation of 5 million people, fewer than 100 qualified for a medical exemption. A mask mandate went into effect as well. While pushing for her Orwellian policies, Ardern urged Kiwis to “be kind.”

By then, many Kiwis had had enough. Thousands of protesters showed up in front of New Zealand’s parliament building in early November 2021 with signs saying, “Kiwis are not lab rats” and “freedom.” Protesters demanded Ardern’s government lift its vaccine mandate and roll back other Covid restrictions.

In January 2022, a frustrated New Zealand businessman placed an advertisement in the country’s largest news magazine. According to New Zealand-born journalist Dan Wootton, one headline said, “The following countries do not ban their own citizens from returning to their home country,” and it listed a long list of nations including Afghanistan, China, Australia, Israel, Saudi Arabia, and the United States. Under another headline, it said: “The following countries effectively ban their own citizens from returning to their home country,” and it listed just one: New Zealand.

Inspired by the Canadian truckers’ anti-Covid protest, more Kiwis showed up at New Zealand’s parliament building again in February, demanding relief from the government’s compulsory Covid restrictions. Police arrested more than 100 demonstrators. 

Ardern waited until September 2022 to remove the government’s masks and vaccine mandates. That same month, she delivered a speech at the United Nations, calling free speech online a weapon often used by those with evil intent and urging world leaders to combat “misinformation.” Her speech was widely condemned. Independent journalist Glenn Greenwald called Ardern “the face of authoritarianism” on Twitter and said what Ardern revealed in her address was “the mindset of tyrants everywhere.”

Two months later, polls in New Zealand showed that public support for Ardern and the Labor Party she led fell to the lowest level since she became leader in 2017, due to her authoritarian Covid policies, which had taken a heavy toll on the nation’s economy and people’s well-being. There was also an incident last December when Ardern called opposition leader David Seymour an “arrogant p—-” during an exchange in a parliament meeting while unaware her mic was still on. The incident shattered her carefully cultivated public image of being kind and compassionate. Arden saw the writing on the wall that she and her party would face a humiliating defeat in the 2023 election as voters will exercise their Covid-19 reckoning at the ballot box. So she chose to exit on her own terms. 

Post-Pandemic Reckoning

Her resignation announcement last week drew mixed reactions in New Zealand and worldwide. Leftists are sad to see her go, while others cheer for Ardern’s departure. Journalist Wootton tweeted, “Jacinda Ardern has resigned as New Zealand’s prime minister knowing full well she was about to be brutally booted from office by Kiwis who woke up to her Covid authoritarianism, Be Kind hypocrisy and an economic catastrophe she inflicted on an amazing country. Good riddance.” 

After Ardern’s resignation announcement, some wonder if Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau will be next to face his compatriots’ post-pandemic reckoning. Like Ardern, Trudeau imposed draconian Covid-19 restrictions in Canada, including mask and vaccine mandates. Trudeau went further by abusing the power of an emergency law to criminalize Canadian truckers who protested against his vaccine mandate, confiscate funds raised by protesters and their supporters, and prohibit future public assemblies. When Trudeau later expressed his support for Chinese protesters who opposed the government’s “zero Covid” policy, many slammed Trudeau as a hypocrite because he too is a tyrant.

Whether Trudeau will resign or be voted out of office remains to be seen. What is clear is that the Orwellian policies that leftist elites such as Ardern and Trudeau championed have been deeply unpopular, and they ruined businesses and lives. These authoritarians want us to forget the suffering we endured in the last three years and move on. But many people demand a Covid reckoning. Ardern is the first Covid tyrant to fall, but she won’t be the last. 


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