Migrants Celebrate Joe Biden Ending ‘Remain in Mexico’ Program: ‘I Am Free’

Border crossers, hoping to be released into the United States, are celebrating President Joe Biden ending the widely successful “Remain in Mexico” program that helped reduce asylum fraud.

First started by former President Donald Trump in 2019, the Remain in Mexico program sought to eliminate asylum fraud and end the practice known as “Catch and Release” whereby border crossers and illegal aliens are briefly apprehended before being released into the U.S. interior while they await their future asylum hearings.

The program required border crossers and illegal aliens to wait in Mexico for their asylum hearings in the U.S. after their arrival at the southern border — ensuring they were not simply released into American communities with the hope that they would show up to their hearings.

After the Supreme Court and a lower court ruled that Biden could end Remain in Mexico, Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas said he would finally end the program.

Remain in Mexico’s end means thousands of border crossers enrolled in the program will now be released into American communities on a promise to show up for future hearings.

One border crosser told the San Diego Union-Tribune that he was “free” after learning he would be released into the U.S. interior rather than being returned to Mexico.

The Union-Tribune reports:

“In this moment, I am free,” he told the Union-Tribune in Spanish a few minutes after he was officially released from custody. “Before, I was not free.” [Emphasis added]

The man was among the first migrants released from [Remain in Mexico] this past week with the Biden administration’s announcement that the program was ending, following a lengthy legal battle in federal court. However, days later, most of those enrolled in the program are still waiting to be let into the United States. [Emphasis added]

“Knowing that I will be able to be here is huge,” he said. “It’s magnificent.” [Emphasis added]

In San Diego, California, alone, thousands of border crossers are expected to be released into the U.S. interior as a result of Biden ending Remain in Mexico. The program, as federal data shows, was hugely successful.

The latest data shows that of the more than 45,000 Remain in Mexico cases adjudicated since 2019, fewer than 740 migrants have been found to have legitimate asylum claims to remain in the U.S. This indicates that only 1.6 percent of Remain in Mexico migrants end up having valid asylum claims to stay in the U.S.

Meanwhile, more than 71 percent of migrants have been ordered to be deported after failing to show they have legitimate asylum claims. More than 23 percent of migrants terminated their asylum proceedings.

Officials on Biden’s National Security Council have privately warned that the program’s end will drive up illegal immigration at the southern border even more than current levels.

John Binder is a reporter for Breitbart News. Email him at jbinder@breitbart.com. Follow him on Twitter here.

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Iraqi National, Accused of Plotting Bush Assassination, Sought Asylum from Biden’s DHS While Overstaying Visitor Visa

Iraqi National, Accused of Plotting Bush Assassination, Sought Asylum from Biden’s DHS While Overstaying Visitor Visa

An Iraqi national, accused of plotting to assassinate former President George W. Bush, sought asylum from President Joe Biden’s Department of Homeland Security (DHS) while overstaying and violating the terms of his visitor visa, the Department of Justice (DOJ) confirms.

Shihab Ahmed Shihab Shihab, a 52-year-old national from Iraq, has been arrested and charged with aiding and abetting a plot to murder Bush with the help of Islamic State (ISIS) operatives that he planned to smuggle across the United States-Mexico border.

Shihab had allegedly bragged about smuggling two Hezbollah terrorists into the U.S. for $100,000. Likewise, he claimed to have helped murder American citizens in Iraq from 2003 to 2006.

According to DOJ prosecutors, Shihab first arrived in the U.S. in September 2020 on a B-1/B-2 visitor visa. In March 2021, Shihab filed a claim for asylum with Biden’s DHS in an attempt to permanently remain in the U.S. while overstaying his visitor visa, which is only valid for 180 days.

DOJ prosecutors also allege that Shihab seemingly violated the terms of his visitor visa by holding jobs at restaurants in the Columbus, Ohio, and Indianapolis, Indiana, areas.

While in the U.S., Shihab is accused of accepting tens of thousands of dollars in October and December 2021 from an individual who he believed was an ISIS operative wanting to be smuggled across the southern border. The operative was an undercover FBI agent.

Today, there are anywhere from five to six million illegal aliens who first arrived on visas to the U.S. but have since overstayed their visas and have not self-deported. As Breitbart News has previously reported, seven of the 19 September 11, 2001, hijackers overstayed their visas before or at the time of the terrorist attacks.

The last available DHS data for visa overstays, from 2019, found that in a single year more than 676,000 foreign nationals overstayed their visas. The federal government has yet to complete a full biometric entry/exit system that would track all visa overstays and deport them from the U.S. if they have violated the terms of their visas.

Since Biden took office in January 2021, 42 illegal aliens on the FBI Terrorist Watch List or No-Fly List have been apprehended at the southern border. In April 2021, two illegal aliens from Yemen arrived at the border. Both were on the Terrorism Watch List and the No-Fly List.

Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas, during a congressional hearing in April, could not say definitively that none of those 42 illegal aliens on the FBI Terrorist Watch List or No-Fly List apprehended at the border had been released into the U.S. interior.

John Binder is a reporter for Breitbart News. Email him at jbinder@breitbart.com. Follow him on Twitter here

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How The Biden Administration Is Aiding And Abetting The Biggest Border Fraud In U.S. History

How The Biden Administration Is Aiding And Abetting The Biggest Border Fraud In U.S. History

AUSTIN, Texas — America was already weathering the greatest border crisis in recorded history when President Joe Biden’s administration announced the last day of the Covid-related public health order Title 42 will be May 23. That’s the pandemic containment U.S. Code that, since President Donald Trump invoked it in March 2020, has been used to deny illegal border jumpers access to the American asylum system while bouncing them back to Mexico.

Biden started the crisis on Inauguration Day with his first executive orders and by cutting out major exemptions in Title 42 for illegal migrant families and minors. What was left of it posed the last serious speed bump to an unimpeded open border.

The Biden government has publicly admitted that something bad will happen at the southwest border: an estimated 12,000 to 18,000 migrant apprehensions a day (versus the record-breaking 6,000 average now), or up to 540,000 a month (170,000 a month lately), and maybe six million by the end of 2022 (compared to the nationally historic two million apprehensions at the end of 2021). A Washington Post headline craftily understated that Biden’s Department of Homeland Security was bracing for “unprecedented strains.”

No one seems to be asking why as some 540,000 illegal migrants per month will soon be jumping the borders in all the front-line states. The overlooked real reason they will come is to defraud an American asylum system that Title 42 denied them but will now be returned, more prone than ever to abuse.

The ‘Remain in America’ Fraud

Clues about the true reasons for Title 42’s demise can be found throughout the communiques of pro-illegal immigration organizations. It was never that the public health crisis had passed, only about reopening full access to the American asylum system. Why?

Because as it stands, the asylum system provides a reprieve from mandatory deportation and all but guaranteed release into the United States. An apt term for this is “Remain in America.” It allows almost anyone on U.S. soil who utters “I want asylum” to a federal officer to dodge otherwise mandatory deportation and get in for years.

Groups like the Refugee and Immigrant Center for Education and Legal Services (RAICES), relentlessly campaigned to kill Title 42 because they want Remain in America back. In one communique, RAICES correctly assessed that Title 42 was designed to “deter as many people from entering the United States as possible.”

Title 42 most certainly took Remain in America offline. Border Patrol apprehensions plummeted from the 45,000 range in late 2019 to 17,106 in April 2020 and 23,237 by that May. The activist industry has felt infuriated ever since and campaigned to restore Remain in America to its pre-Trump glory.

“For two years, Title 42 has blocked more than 1.7 million migrants from seeking safety at our border under the guise of public health and needs to end right now,” Tami Goodlette, director of litigation at RAICES, groused in an April 1 statement.

Disingenuously, such activists couch demands for Title 42 dismantlement as a high-minded moral imperative, counting on the fact that average Americans don’t understand its narcotic enticement on the world’s poor.

“People fleeing danger in their home countries have the legal right to seek safety and protection in the United States,” Goodlette went on. “And it must also immediately restore the asylum process without expanding the country’s mass incarceration and deportation machine.” 

Such proponents will never say out loud what they must surely know: Open access to asylum’s Remain in America sets off border stampedes and its May 23 restoration is what brought the migrant hurricane now whirling off the American shore.

A Noble Purpose Corrupted

The asylum law was born of noble purpose, but ineligible economic migrants and their professional American champions have coopted and corrupted it. Amended from earlier laws that contemplated World War II-era refugee flows, the system’s off-ramp from deportation today came from the Refugee Act of 1980. It required that America “respond to the urgent needs of persons subject to persecution in their homelands” to avoid deporting “refugees of special humanitarian concern.”

The people its architects had in mind to save were, say, Vietnamese boat people fleeing communist “reeducation camps,” Jewish “refuseniks” fleeing the Soviet Union repression, or perhaps Uighur Muslims from Communist Party government labor camps. Intending claimants had to demonstrate “a well-founded fear of persecution” by governments or political groups the governments can’t control, based on one or more of five criteria: race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, and, political opinion.

Over time, anyone crossing the border discovered he too could avert deportation with a persecution story fit to one of the five criteria. No verification was needed.

U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services interviews ask asylum claimants if they have a “credible fear” of returning home. This is little more than a gut check. The bar to “yes” is low, and verification of persecution stories is not required. Government interviewers just had to judge a 10 percent likelihood that the petitioner faced potential persecution under the five categories.

A “no” in the box can lead to deportation but is appealable for years. A “yes” permits migrants to enter America with a year to file a formal asylum petition, then many more years (the court backlog was 4.5 years as of FY2021) to get before an immigration judge for a final judgment, or more appeals for years after that. Or they can just blow it all off and disappear.

So a Honduran yam farmer fleeing a failed crop who claims government persecution is highly likely to win the same long-term reprieve as would a North Korean gulag escapee.

Mass Fraud Coming and Every Insider Knows It

The asylum system is not geared to detecting asylum fraud, and U.S. prosecutors aren’t very interested in prosecuting it, according to General Accountability Office reporting in recent years. But evidence of fraud is indicated by immigration judge denials, Executive Office of Immigration Review statistics (EOIR) show. There’s other evidence of mass fraud.

In recent years, I’ve interviewed probably hundreds of Haitians en route to the American border to claim asylum on grounds that they can’t return to Haiti’s government and criminal gang persecution. But I’ve never met a Haitian actually coming from Haiti. All of them had been living comfortably and securely in Chile and Brazil for four, five, and six years.

They discard their Chilean and Brazilian identification documents all over the riverbanks of the Rio Grande, where I find them. They toss these because they are evidence of asylum ineligibility, proving they were living safely for years in those two prosperous South American nations.

Image by Todd Bensman.

I find such discarded passports from countries all over the world, foretelling that their bearers planned to cover their ineligibility tracks and provide fake or altered names to American interviewers. Fraud.

EOIR statistics show judges aren’t buying most Haitan asylum claims. They granted just 7 percent 2020, accounting for an abandonment or withdrawal rate of 42 percent and a denial rate of 51 percent.

That’s for good reason, according to someone who worked as a judge for many years. Andrew “Art” Arthur, who served on the bench in Pennsylvania, said people who settled into protected lives in third countries have little chance of legally receiving U.S. asylum.

“Asylum is for people who don’t have anywhere else to go,” Arthur said. “These people actually have somewhere to go where their lives are not in danger. They were already settled.”

“A drowning man will reach for the point of a sword; that’s the idea behind the asylum system,” Arthur continued. “But these people aren’t drowning. They’re sitting on a beach.”

Senegalese passports discarded near Yuma, Arizona in April 2022. Photo courtesy of Ben Berquam.

Consider Guatemalans. By the end of February 2022, Guatemalans topped the list of nationalities with backlogged asylum cases at 313,836, according to Syracuse University’s Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse data. But outcomes indicate no real interest in asylum beyond its Remain in America provisions.

In 2019, out of every 100 asylum claims that got Guatemalans summarily released into the country, 77 percent never bothered to follow through with a formal application, EOIR statistics show. Of the 33 percent who did, judges granted just 5 percent. As for the rest, either judges denied the claims or Guatemalans abandoned them.

A New Superhighway for Asylum Fraud

Asylum fraud is vastly successful under that system but not enough, evidently, for the pro-illegal immigration advocacy industry. It could not be more excited than now for a new and improved system set to open when Title 42 falls.

The Biden administration has finalized a plan that takes immigration judges out of the picture and replaces them with U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Service adjudicators who can be ordered to rubber-stamp asylum claims right at the border starting as soon as June. Legal challenges are expected.

Under the headline “Biden Administration Prepares Sweeping Change to Asylum Process,” a March 24 New York Times story acknowledged that critics predict the new system “will draw even more hopeful migrants to the border.”

Trump worked hard to neutralize the asylum system’s most alluring elements. But all the planets and stars seem to have lined up for a true Noah’s Flood at the border. When it ends, no one should forget what caused it and why.


Todd Bensman is a Texas-based senior national security fellow for the Center for Immigration Studies, a Washington D.C.-based research institute, and a writing fellow for the Middle East Forum. For nearly a decade, Bensman led counterterrorism-related intelligence efforts for the Texas Department of Public Safety’s Intelligence and Counterterrorism Division. Follow him on Twitter @BensmanTodd. Bensman worked for The Dallas Morning News, CBS, and Hearst Newspapers, covering the FBI, federal law enforcement and serving on investigative teams. He reported extensively on national security and border issues after 9/11 and worked from more than 25 countries in Latin America, the Middle East, and Africa. Bensman holds a master’s degree from the Naval Postgraduate School, a master’s degree from the University of Missouri School of Journalism, and a B.S. degree in journalism from Northern Arizona University.

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Border Chief Mayorkas: Equity Is U.S. ‘Core Founding Principle’

Border Chief Mayorkas: Equity Is U.S. ‘Core Founding Principle’

Joe Biden’s pro-migration border chief says the “core founding principle” of the United States is “equity,” and that he is building an immigration system built on “equity.”

“It is all about achieving equity, which is really the core founding principle of our country,” Alejandro Mayorkas declared at a  meeting hosted by Al Sharpton’s National Action Network.

“We, as a Department of Homeland Security [DHS], are your Department of Homeland Security as much as anyone else’s and we need to live that in the equity that we demonstrate,” he told the mostly black audience.

“Equity” is a vague term being used by activists to call for government-controlled redistribution of wealth, jobs, and status throughout the United States’ increasingly diverse, chaotic, unequal, and divided society. For example, the Merriam-Webster dictionary  describes the term as “Equity is often related to justice or proportional fairness … Equality differs from equity in that it relates more to sameness or equal distribution.”

Mayorkas’s embrace of “equity” — not equality, or color-blind enforcement of Congress’s laws — seems to be shaping his policies at the DHS, including his selective enforcement of the nation’s popular immigration laws.

Mayorkas described a minor example of equity — his efforts to help poor black communities get access to federal aid:

Just a few weeks ago, I was in Detroit, Michigan, meeting with faith leaders — predominantly African American faith leaders — in talking about our grant program, our nonprofit Security Grant Program, which is designed to protect nonprofit organizations, to enable enabled them to secure themselves against an increasing threat landscape. And what I learned was that our grant program is very complicated. It is very difficult in some respects to access. And some of these just as much in need, and perhaps in greater need of the funds that we have to distribute, don’t have the resources to [hire] a grant-applicant professional … How can we break down those barriers? … How can we build for them the capacity that they might not otherwise have?

But Mayorkas’s promise of equity goes far beyond equal access to government funds — he is also applying “equity” to help foreign migrants take jobs and wages from lower-skilled Americans.

“We are building an immigration system that is designed to ensure due process, respect human dignity, and promote equity,” Mayorkas tweeted in August 2021, as he sketched out his plans for easy-asylum rules that would encourage a mass migration of poor job-seekers into Americans’ homeland.

“Justice is our priority,” Mayorkas declared at a November 2021 Senate hearing, adding, “That includes securing our border and providing relief to those [migrants] who qualify for it under our laws.”

Illegals can remain in the United States to compete for jobs and housing, as long as they do not commit violent crimes, Mayorkas said in January 2022. “Unlawful presence in the United States, alone, will not be a basis for immigration enforcement action … it is a matter of justice and equity as well,” he told the U.S. Conference of Mayors in Washington.

Mayorkas described his “identity” as a champion for migrants in his speech to the 2021 American Constitutional Society (ACS) national convention:

The element of dignity [and] the rule of law: Those are two foundational guideposts as I seek to lead an agency, as we, as servants of the law, seek to bring justice in whatever we do. And here in the Department of Homeland Security, I think that must guide everything that we do.

Many advocacy groups are using “equity” claims to accelerate the inflow of non-white migrants and sexual diversities into Americans’ homeland, and also to reduce non-white deportations. “Just as Black people are more likely than white people to be targeted by police, research suggests that Black immigrants are also disproportionately vulnerable to immigration enforcement,” said an October 2020 statement by Vera.org.

Mayorkas is a wealthy, pro-migration zealot and is unlikely to feel any economic damage from the policies he inflicts on ordinary Americans. He is also wrapping his equity agenda for foreign migrants under the cloak of U.S. vague racial claims, saying in his Friday speech on equity:

The greatest terrorist-related threat that we face in the homeland is a threat of individuals drawn to violence because of ideologies of hate or false narratives propagated on social media and other online platforms. And the most prominent threat is a threat of white supremacists. And that came quite clearly to the surface when we saw over the past several months [threats against] historically black colleges and universities. We reached out in the department to the presidents of the HBCUs and requested that we be allowed to sit around the table with them to listen to what they were confronting, to understand the gravity of the threat that they face … its impact on their communities — the communities of students — and to be able to respond as they needed us to do, to have them around the table.

Mayorkas did not explain “ideologies of hate or false narratives.”

But the economic impact of the government’s extraction migration strategy has deeply damaged millions of Americans — and especially lower-skilled black and white Americans who have lost wages, jobs, and homes to a wave of imported replacement workers.

U.S. government policies — including loose borders — have extracted at least 15 million young, hard-working people from Mexico and Central America. Once transferred to the United States, the migrants are used as workers, consumers, and renters for U.S. investors. That population transfer hinders economic trade with the United States and makes it more difficult for the migrants’ home countries to grow out of poverty and chaos.

Mayorkas’s pro-migration policies are increasingly unpopular and politically dangerous to Joe Biden’s diverse and divided coalition.

For example, independent swing voters strongly oppose Biden’s decision to lift the Title 42 border barrier in late May, according to a Morning Consult poll of 2,003 registered voters. “With the political environment now in a much more dire state for Democrats due to persistent inflation, immigration threatens to transform the upcoming midterm elections from a defeat into a catastrophe,” according to an April 6 report by Morning Consult.

“Mayorkas needs to remember that his salary is paid for by American taxpayers, and it is his job to serve Americans and their best interests,” said a November 2021 post by Pawel Styrna, at the Federation for American Immigration Reform. “Instead, he chooses to focus primarily and, in fact, solely, on the desires and needs of foreign nationals,” he added.

“His is a textbook case of a government official openly and brazenly flouting his duties – and that has nothing to do with the classic Western understanding of justice,” Styrna wrote.

Since at least 1990, the D.C. establishment has used a wide variety of excuses and explanations — for example, “Nation of Immigrants” — to justify its policy of extracting tens of millions of migrants and visa workers from poor countries to serve as workers, consumers, and renters for various U.S. investors and CEOs.

The self-serving economic strategy of extraction migration has no stopping point. It is brutal to ordinary Americans because it cuts their career opportunities, shrinks their salaries and wages, raises their housing costs, and has shoved at least ten million American men out of the labor force.

Extraction migration also distorts the economy, and curbs Americans’ productivity, partly because it allows employers to use stoop labor instead of machines.

Migration also reduces voters’ political clout, undermines employees’ workplace rights, and widens the regional wealth gaps between the Democrats’ coastal states and the Republicans’ Heartland states.

An economy built on extraction migration also alienates young people and radicalizes Americans’ democratic, compromise-promoting civic culture because it allows wealthy elites to ignore despairing Americans at the bottom of society.

The economic strategy also kills many migrants, exploits poor people, splits foreign families, and extracts wealth from the poor home countries.

The extraction migration policy is backed by progressives who wish to transform the United States from a society governed by European-origin civic culture into a progressive-led empire of competing identity groups. “We’re trying to become the first multiracial, multi-ethnic superpower in the world,” Rep. Ro Khanna (D-CA), told the New York Times on March 21. “It will be an extraordinary achievement … we will ultimately triumph,” he insisted.

Not surprisingly, the wealth-shifting extraction migration policy is very unpopular, according to a  wide variety of polls.

The polls show deep and broad public opposition to labor migration and the inflow of temporary contract workers into jobs sought by young U.S. graduates.

The opposition is growinganti-establishmentmultiracialcross-sexnon-racistclass-based, bipartisan, rationalpersistent, and recognizes the solidarity that Americans owe to one another.

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Faced With A Coming Wave Of Illegal Immigration, Biden’s Plan Is Simply To Open The Border

Faced With A Coming Wave Of Illegal Immigration, Biden’s Plan Is Simply To Open The Border

The southern border is about to explode, and federal authorities are making preparations — not to arrest, detain, and deport record numbers of illegal border-crossers, but to process them quickly and release them into the United States.

How do we know? Two developments in recent days have revealed the White House’s scheme to handle the busiest time of year on the southwest border amid a record-breaking streak of illegal immigration.

Last Friday, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention announced it will rescind Title 42 effective May 23. Title 42 is the public health order invoked by President Trump during the Covid-19 lockdowns and partially continued under President Biden. It’s one of the only reasons illegal immigration, which hit record levels last year, wasn’t much worse than it could have been. It was, in effect, the last remaining tool federal border officials had to control illegal immigration, and next month it will be gone.

By making it relatively easy for border officials to expel illegal border-crossers without processing them for deportation, Title 42 helped avert a full-blown humanitarian catastrophe at the border. For the past two years, Border Patrol agents and U.S. Customs and Border Protection officers were empowered simply to send certain classes of illegal immigrants (mostly single adults and some family units) back over the border to Mexico.

Ending Title 42 means a return to the pre-Covid process, which allows almost anyone who crosses the border, even those who cross illegally, to file a claim for asylum. Because Biden effectively shut down a Trump-era program called the Migrant Protection Protocols (also called Remain in Mexico) that forced migrants to wait in Mexico while their asylum cases were adjudicated, most migrants who claim asylum will be released into the United States pending the outcome of their cases, which on average take about three years.

In other words, ending Title 42 under these circumstances means every migrant who gets over the border and claims asylum will get to remain in the United States, legally and with work authorization, for years. As a matter of policy, it is effectively indistinguishable from open borders.

The Biden administration understandably doesn’t want the American people to know this, to understand the details and what it means for the country. Uncontrolled illegal immigration is after all extremely unpopular, even among Democrat voters.

That’s why the administration is trying to portray what amounts to a de facto open borders policy as border enforcement and security. CBP Commissioner Chris Magnus this week issued a statement designed to do just that, but if you read between the lines you’ll see that CBP’s plan for the end of Title 42 amounts to an abdication of border security and acquiescence to open borders. Says Magnus:

Throughout our agency’s history we have capably managed immigration at the border utilizing the authorities under Title 8 of the US Code (traditional immigration management authorities). These authorities allow non-citizens appropriate access to make asylum claims and include a range of enforcement options to hold individuals accountable for entering the U.S. illegally.  This means most individuals who cross the border without legal authorization will be promptly placed in removal proceedings.

As a result of the CDC’s termination of its Title 42 public health order, we will likely face an increase in encounters above the current high levels.  There are a significant number of individuals who were unable to access the asylum system for the past two years, and who may decide that now is the time to come.

There’s a lot to unpack here, but note the last sentence about migrants being “unable to access the asylum system.” The implication is that if illegal immigration surges, it’s because of pent-up demand for asylum, not because Biden’s policies encouraged illegal immigration.

But that argument makes no sense given the record numbers of arrests at the southwest border since Biden came into office. Those include more than 2 million last year, an all-time record since CBP began tracking border apprehensions decades ago. Whatever pent-up demand there was has been met, and what we’re seeing now is increased demand driven almost entirely by Biden’s policies.

If illegal crossings surge in the coming months, as everyone expects them to, it’s because of what Magnus says at the end of that first quoted paragraph above: “most individuals who cross the border without legal authorization will be promptly placed in removal proceedings.”

Most Americans might think a term like “removal proceedings” means timely deportation of an illegal immigrant, but it doesn’t. Given the backlog in our immigration courts, removal proceedings amount to a legal backdoor into the United States.

The University of Syracuse keeps an ongoing tally of federal immigration data through a research center called the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse, or TRAC. According to TRAC, out of 11,664 completed immigration court proceedings so far this year, the average time to completion is 1,105 days, or more than three years. (That’s more than double the amount of time on average it took to adjudicate cases during the Trump presidency.)

Immigration Court Processing Time by Outcome
by Removals, Voluntary Departures, Terminations, Relief, Administrative Closures

In practice, that means a migrant who crosses the border illegally, gets arrested by Border Patrol, claims asylum, and is then released into the United States with a court date will have about three years to live and work in the United States before an immigration judge ever issues an order for removal.

Given Magnus’s emphasis on “removal proceedings,” then, it appears the entire federal immigration enforcement apparatus in the coming months will be focused on processing and releasing into the United States as many migrants as possible as fast as possible.

Indeed, in a long list of bullet points outlining everything CBP is doing to prepare, we see things like, “Shifting Border Patrol agents and CBP officers from other locations to assist at the border… Increasing the number of ICE personnel working alongside CBP personnel to assist in processing migrants… Activating other DHS personnel who have volunteered to temporarily work on the border… Maximizing the use of air and ground transportation to move migrants from sectors that are over capacity.”

In other words, it’s all hands on deck for the federal immigration bureaucracy, but the urgent task is to process and transport and release migrants, not arrest, detain, and deport them.

We also see, further down Magnus’s list, a plan to increase the “efficiency” of the asylum system “by restarting normal asylum-seeker processing at ports of entry and working with other DHS partners to decrease the length of these processes (this is being done, in part, by adopting a new rule to expedite processing by asylum officers).”

Last month, the Biden administration announced a sweeping new rule that will allow asylum officers at U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services to adjudicate asylum claims instead of immigration judges at the Justice Department. The idea behind the new rule is to ease pressure on overburdened immigration courts, but as Andrew Arthur and Robert Law of the Center for Immigration Studies noted recently, it’s really “a plan to rubberstamp asylum grants and hide the disaster at the Southwest border by turning ‘illegal aliens’ into ‘asylum seekers’ with the stroke of a pen.”

As Arthur and Law explain:

Under law prior to this most recent announcement, only IJs [immigration judges] could grant asylum to aliens apprehended at the border who were then placed into ‘expedited removal’ proceedings, and then only at the end of formal removal proceedings.

In those proceedings, the alien respondent was allowed to present evidence (including testimony) concerning his or her asylum claim. During that presentation of evidence, an ICE attorney representing the interests of the American people was allowed to cross-examine and impeach the alien respondent, offer contradictory evidence, and appeal an erroneous asylum grant.

Under the administration’s new rule… those procedural safeguards are thrown out the window. The AO [asylum officer] elicits the alien’s claim during a ‘non-adversarial’ interview during which the alien is allowed to have an attorney (but you, the American people, aren’t). If the AO grants asylum, even contrary to law, logic, and the weight of the evidence, that’s it. There is no ICE lawyer to appeal that decision.

Yet CBP’s plans for the coming surge at the border, however misguided they are, might be irrelevant long before Title 42 ends on May 23. The sheer number of illegal immigrants coming across the border might well overwhelm CBP officers and facilities, even with extra help from ICE and DHS.

Already, the number of arrests at the border has forced mass releases of adult migrants. Bill Melugin of Fox News has been documenting these so-called “parole releases” in south Texas for weeks now, reporting that hundreds of migrants are being released in border towns like Brownsville every day. 

They are being released, in most cases, with a notice to report to a local ICE office whenever they get to where they’re going. In some cases, they are being given phones to communicate with ICE. This means they don’t even have court dates, and have not even filed asylum claims.

In other words, the system is overwhelmed right now, with Title 42 still in place. Between now and the end of May, things are going to get much worse.


John Daniel Davidson is a senior editor at The Federalist. His writing has appeared in the Wall Street Journal, the Claremont Review of Books, The New York Post, and elsewhere. Follow him on Twitter, @johnddavidson.

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Mayorkas Pushes ‘Backlog Amnesty’ for over 1 Million Illegals Facing Deportation

Mayorkas Pushes ‘Backlog Amnesty’ for over 1 Million Illegals Facing Deportation

President Joe Biden’s border chief, Alejandro Mayorkas, is planning a no-deportation amnesty for many of the 1.7 million illegal migrants waiting in the courtroom backlogs, even as officials are preparing to welcome many hundreds of thousands more job-seeking migrants.

“This is the equivalent of nullifying our immigration laws,” said Rob Law at the Center for Immigration Studies, who is a former appointee at the Department of Homeland Security (DHS). The backlog amnesty will be quickly used as an excuse by officials to justify the award of work permits and green cards to the illegal migrants, he said:

This is how this will be teed up. They’ll say, “As you know, these people were being subjected to these draconian [deportation] rules of the past that don’t reflect our current equity and compassion … but now it’s not right for them to not have the opportunity to have a livelihood.” That’s what the messaging will be for next giving them mass parole or some [status] that allows a work permit … They’re laundering illegal migration behavior through a multi-staged approach.

The backlog amnesty is being marketed as a cost-saving measure for the government’s prosecutors and judges before the planned inflow of myriad more economic migrants once the Title 42 barrier is removed in late May.

But the government’s cost-saving will impose huge pocketbook costs on the millions of Americans who are struggling to earn decent wages or to pay their inflating rents in an economy flooded with illegal migrants. Those pocketbook problems are undermining Democrats’ chances in the 2022 election, according to a survey of loyal Democrats reported on April 4 by Politico:

A woman from the Boston area who went first mentioned rising gas and food prices, food shortages at her local Whole Foods, and the increasing cost of housing. “It just seems like everything is going up and there’s no end in sight,” she said.

In the other focus group, a Black man from the Houston area talked about trying to subsist on the $12- and $13-per-hour jobs he was being offered. “No one can live off of that, especially with inflation,” he said.

The Hill reported on April 5:

Morgan Jackson, a leading Democratic strategist based in North Carolina, a swing state, said he expects Republicans to come at Democratic candidates hard on border- and immigration-related issues. “Obviously Republicans are going to try to make immigration a top issue. They have tried to do that for the last 10 years, almost every election,” he said.

He said voters are more concerned about “pocketbook issues” such as the strength of the economy, inflation, rising gas prices and the cost of health care.

Migration advocates are cheering the proposed amnesty, which is being pushed by Alejandro Mayorkas.

“There are 1.6 million cases in immigration court,” said a tweet from Aaron Reichlin-Melnick, an advocate at the American Immigration Council. “If we want to clear backlogs, absent Congress, using prosecutorial discretion to dismiss many of these cases is the only way forward.”

During the eight years of the Obama administration, officials dropped roughly 160,000 immigration cases in the courtroom backlog, such as deportation cases.

President Donald Trump’s deputies revived roughly 34,000 of those “administratively closed” cases.

The Mayorkas backlog amnesty is getting low-key treatment from the establishment media. For example, the DHS reporter at the New York Times declined to quote any opponents of the amnesty plan in her report:

It is the latest in a series of efforts by the Biden administration to streamline immigration enforcement in the absence of action from Congress.

An ICE official, authorized by the agency to speak publicly without being identified, said lawyers would review each case before the court to see if it met the administration’s priorities for enforcement: cases that involve a public safety or national security threat, as well as those involving people who recently crossed the border without documentation.

“Our immigration enforcement efforts are focused on those who pose a threat to public safety, the security of our borders and our national security,” Alejandro N. Mayorkas, the homeland security secretary, said in a statement on Monday. “The memo issued today further empowers our enforcement attorneys to focus on these priorities, and it will help clear a longstanding case backlog that has clogged the immigration court system and stood in the way of swiftly removing the greatest threats.”

The artics notes, “The American Immigration Lawyers Association estimates that there are at least 700,000 such cases — about 40 percent of the court backlog.”

The huge backlog in immigration cases has been deliberately created by the federal government, partly because it allows the cartels’ conveyor belt of smuggled labor and returned debt payments to generate more profits from migrant labor sent to the U.S. labor market.

“By the way, there’s a 1.5 million person backlog for dealing with asylum claims,” Sen. Rob Portman (R-OH) said on March 30. He continued:

This means that when you are allowed into the country to await an immigration judge looking at your case, there will be anywhere from four to six years before your case is considered. While you’re in the United States, … you’re working, your [illegal migrant] kids are going to school, you’re getting your health care, you’re part of the community. And obviously, a lot of these people don’t show up for their [asylum] court case. Some do, some don’t.

The proposed backlog amnesty is just one of many bureaucratic measures Mayorkas is taking to minimize the enforcement of the nation’s popular immigration laws, despite Congress’ refusal to loosen those laws.

For example, Mayorkas is extending the work-permit “DACA” amnesty for migrants who were brought into the country while children and is refusing to deport illegal migrants unless they commit felony crimes. He is also trying to give pro-migration, low-level officials to the job of awarding asylum rights to migrants at the border — without supervision from immigration judges.

“The Biden Administration is willing to put its open-borders agenda and desire for a future legislative mass amnesty ahead of the safety and security of the American people,” said a statement from Gene Hamilton, the general counsel at America First Legal, a non-profit that is using lawsuits to help enforce the nation’s popular immigration laws. The group noted:

This [agency amnesty] plan has been underway for some time, with advocates at DOJ–Margie O’Herron and Lucas Guttentag, both in the Office of the Deputy Attorney General, as well as EOIR personnel–coordinating efforts across the Administration through regular meetings with the Domestic Policy Council, on identifying ways to remove as many cases from the immigration court dockets as possible. But again, their plans appear to involve finding every way possible to avoid actually completing cases that might result in the issuance of a removal order against an alien.

These plans will now kick into high gear with the issuance of a 17-page memorandum from the Principal Legal Advisor of ICE, Kerry Doyle–a Biden Administration political appointee who formerly spent her entire career advocating for illegal aliens–directing ICE prosecutors to dismiss cases against illegal aliens, administratively close cases, acquiesce to requests from illegal aliens, and even goes so far as to encourage ICE attorneys to not appear in court in other cases.

“I think you’re starting to see a growing trend of the Biden administration recognizing that they’re a one-term proposition and they are just going to go for broke and just completely dismantle the system,” said Law. The goal, he said, is now to ensure “the interior enforcement structure will be so crippled that it will be impossible to rebuild it.”

The federal government tries to hide its economic policy of extracting workers and consumers from poor countries, Law said.

It’s always “Can you do just enough to deceive the public?” …  Any removals that are done by the administration are simply [driven by] bad optics, such as the Haitians congregating under the [Del Rio] bridge, when they just can’t get away from the bad publicity. [Then they] say, “Oh, we’re not totally open borders, we’re using our limited resources to get the worst actors.”

The government’s cooperation with the cartels is hidden behind theatrical enforcement of borders laws and a curtain of legal complexity, he said:

They are partners in this business transaction of importing people and workers into the United States. This is this is a mutually beneficial arrangement where the cartels are being enriched by all these people who are paying the money for the transport, and the Biden administration willingly welcomes them, helps process them, and places them wherever they want to be the inside of the country.

“This is 100 percent a very corrupt business arrangement between the cartels and the Biden ministration,” Law said.

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Mayorkas’ Leaked Title 42 Plan: Ensure Migrants Get ‘Any’ Way to Stay

Mayorkas’ Leaked Title 42 Plan: Ensure Migrants Get ‘Any’ Way to Stay

Border chief Alejandro Mayorkas is directing that economic migrants get every opportunity to stay once the Title 42 barrier is removed — regardless of the huge damage he inflicts on ordinary Americans.

Mayorkjas’ intentions are described in his February strategy, which was leaked to Breitbart Texas on April 4. The February strategy is titled “DHS Southwest Border Mass Irregular Migration Contingency Plan,” and it says on page 16:

A. Secretary’s Intent.

1 ) Purpose: The purpose of this plan is to describe a proactive approach that humanely prevents and responds to surges in irregular migration across the U.S. [southern border]. This will be done while ensuring that migrants can apply for any form of relief or protection [emphasis added] for which they may be eligible, including asylum, withholding of removal, and protection from removal under the regulations implementing United States obligations under the Convention Against Torture.

To maximize benefits for migrants, Mayorkas minimizes the detention and deportation of migrants — even though federal law generally denies the entry of foreign workers and economic migrants into Americans’ homeland. His plan sketches ways for border officials to squeeze many migrants through small doorways in the nation’s border:

Current pathways to removal [deportations] will be limited. Component use of broadscale release mechanisms (i.e., Own Recognizance (OR) with issuance of a Notice to Appear (NTA), or parole and Altematives to Detention (ATD) with administrative tools are necessary to ensure humane and efficient treatment of migrants.

For example, the parole side-door “is a very limited authority that Congress has given for exceptional situations,” such as a sick airline passenger, Andrew Arthur, a former immigration judge told Breitbart News in May 2021. It “is very narrowly written [for small numbers of people], but the administration has blown right past the limitations,” he said.

In February, up to 165,000 migrants arrived at the border, and Mayorkas admitted 74,000 under various legal claims. Very few of the arrivals were detained, and few prior arrivals were deported, despite the federal law.

On April 26, the Supreme Court will consider a judgment by federal judges that seeks to make Mayorkas comply with federal law.

The Cuban-born Mayorkas is a pro-migration zealot who argued in 2013 that Americans’ homeland “always has been, and forever will remain a nation of immigrants.” Only about one-third of Americans accept the “nation of immigrants” narrative, according to a survey by a pro-migration group.

So his plan ignores the reasonable and rational economic concerns of roughly at least 100 million citizens of the United States.

That is not just a personal omission. As the sworn chief of the Department of Homeland Defense, Mayorkas is professionally and legally responsible for protecting Americans’ economic opportunities from illegal migrants and unscrupulous employers who hire illegal workers.

Those concerns include their ability to earn decent wages in the labor market loosened by new migrants, and their ability to rent or buy decent housing in a housing market flooded with new migrants who are glad to pool multiple paychecks for a small room.

The importance of those concerns was underlined by the Washington Post‘s March 20 description of Dave Ramsey, in Lincoln Park, Mich.:

He’d modeled himself after his father, umpiring alongside him in high school and riding with him on private investigations to train as his apprentice. But if his father’s middle class ambitions had fallen apart after 50 years, Dave Jr.’s collapsed by the time he turned 20. He dropped out of school against his father’s advice so he could make some quick money laying cable, got injured at work and then got addicted to the prescription fentanyl patches. He’d gotten clean and stayed that way for the past nine years while taking care of his father and his daughters. He’d even gone back to school at night to earn his diploma, but the life available to him didn’t include the Masons, or a union job, or a thriving American middle class. Instead he’d hustled his way through a series of contracting jobs that paid a living wage one week and nothing the next, until the family’s monthly bills were so far beyond its means that Dave Sr. started burying them in the bottom of a box.

Mayorkas’ plan does mention jobs on page 100, but only about jobs for foreigners in a planned region-wide migration network:

Focus on Whole of Western Hemisphere. The Plan is based on the idea that transnational problems require transnational solutions. The intent of this Plan is to provide the structure necessary to coordinate international public policies to prevent and respond to irregular migration while simultaneously seeking to improve economic and social conditions and provide opportunities for advancement to populations across the hemisphere to reduce the compulsion to migrate by:

l) Developing human talent.

2) Creating more and better jobs.

Housing does get a few mentions — but only in the content of housing the migrants in the United States.

For example, on page 28, the strategy directs officials to “Coordinate occupational safety and health reviews of facilities housing ICE detainees and residents to mitigate the spread of infectious diseases.” On page 95, the report says the plan “requires that minors in INS custody must be housed in facilities that meet certain standards, including state standards for housing and care of dependent children.”

“Rents” are not mentioned in the Mayorkas plan, even though migrants are already driving rent increases for Americans living in coastal and southern cities.

In December 2021, the Washington Post reported on an eviction agent in Phoenix, Ariz.:

Lennie had done more than 300 evictions since the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s federal moratorium expired in early August, and during that time he’d given up on predicting who might come to the door. In the past several months, he’d evicted a 93-year-old from a retirement facility, a group of drug addicts living in an apartment cluttered with bowls of counterfeit cash, a man claiming to be a “sovereign citizen” above the law who barricaded himself inside the apartment, a laid-off restaurant worker, a schizophrenic, a hoarder, a recent Somali refugee, a man with a pet reindeer, a woman who tried hiding inside her dresser cabinet, and six families living in a two-bedroom apartment subdivided by drapes and shower curtains.

But no matter who he found waiting inside, Lennie’s job remained the same: to search the home, force everyone out and change the locks — all within a government-recommended time of about 10 minutes.

Mayorkas’ plan offers migrants the “opportunity to seek asylum, withholding of removal or deferral of removal before an Immigration Judge.”

But he says nothing about economic opportunities for the almost 20 million American men who have been pushed out of the labor market by the federal government’s cheap labor policies.

Mayorkas’ plan does not mention that federal law requires the detention of migrants until their asylum claims are heard. Instead, “detention” is used to describe a problem that must be avoided– and it only gets a first mention on page 11 of the plan. For example, the plan notes that detentions may happen if the migrants arrive faster than officials can release them into the job market:

Discussion. If the EOIR is unable to increase the number of removal proceedings for migrants during a land migration surge, it will contribute to overcrowding at CBP Office of Field Operations and Border Patrol temporary holding facilities and ICE holding and detention facilities.

“Custody” is first mentioned on page 14, and “detain” gets a first mention on page 18.

Since at least 1990, the D.C. establishment has used a wide variety of excuses and explanations — for example, “Nation of Immigrants” — to justify its policy of extracting tens of millions of migrants and visa workers from poor countries to serve as workers, consumers, and renters for various U.S. investors and CEOs.

The self-serving economic strategy of extraction migration has no stopping point. It is harmful to ordinary Americans because it cuts their career opportunities, shrinks their salaries and wages, raises their housing costs, and has shoved at least ten million American men out of the labor force.

Extraction migration also distorts the economy, curbs Americans’ productivity, reduces voters’ political clout, undermines employees’ workplace rights, and widens the regional wealth gaps between the Democrats’ coastal states and the Republicans’ Heartland states.

An economy built on extraction migration also radicalizes Americans’ democratic, compromise-promoting civic culture because it allows wealthy elites to ignore despairing Americans at the bottom of society.

The economic strategy also kills many migrants, splits foreign families, and extracts wealth from the poor home countries.

The extraction migration policy is backed by progressives who wish to transform the United States from a society governed by European-origin civic culture into a progressive-led empire of competing identity groups. “We’re trying to become the first multiracial, multi-ethnic superpower in the world,” Rep. Ro Khanna (D-CA), told the New York Times on March 21. “It will be an extraordinary achievement … we will ultimately triumph,” he insisted.

Not surprisingly, the wealth-shifting extraction migration policy is very unpopular, according to a  wide variety of polls. The polls show deep and broad public opposition to labor migration and the inflow of temporary contract workers into jobs sought by young U.S. graduates.

The opposition is growinganti-establishmentmultiracialcross-sexnon-racistclass-basedbipartisanrationalpersistent, and recognizes the solidarity that Americans owe to one another.

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Joe Biden Faces Supreme Court Review of His ‘Catch and Release’ Policy

Joe Biden Faces Supreme Court Review of His ‘Catch and Release’ Policy


President Joe Biden and border chief Alejandro Mayorkas are fuelling the migration wave into Americans’ jobs by ignoring the law that says migrants must be detained until their asylum cases are decided.

However, the Supreme Court will review the legality of Biden’s catch-and-release policy on April 26 in the Biden v. Texas lawsuit. The review will take place one month before Biden and Mayorkas lift the Title 42 barrier on May 23 and open the borders to an unlimited inflow of asylum-claiming migrants.

Federal law says any migrant on U.S. soil can apply for asylum. But the law also says:  “Mandatory detention: Any alien subject to the procedures under this clause shall be detained pending a final determination of credible fear of persecution and, if found not to have such a fear, until removed.”

“The [federal] statute is very clear that aliens who show up at the border without documentation or a visa are supposed to be detained throughout their entire immigration court proceedings,” said Rob Law, the director of regulatory affairs and policy for the Center for Immigration Studies.

“Non-U.S. nationals (aliens) apprehended by immigration authorities when attempting to unlawfully enter the United States … must be detained while awaiting removal,” the Congressional Research Service wrote on May 10, 2019.

But Mayorkas refuses to detain the migrants, despite the damage to Americans. Mayorkas also minimizes the use of the Migration Protection Protocols program, which effectively detains migrants in Mexico until their cases are complete.

Instead, he releases about 60,000 migrants each month into the United States under a variety of legal claims, as an additional 40,000 job-seeking migrants sneak across the border.

This catch-and-release policy allows the migrants to quickly get the jobs that they need to repay their debts to coyotes, cartels, and banks. So the policy fuels the cartels’ conveyor belt of labor and cash, and it allows people from many countries in Africa, South America, and Asia to fund their illegal entry into Americans’ labor and housing markets. The inflow of illegals skews the national economy in favor of investors, employers, and the coastal states.

Mayorkas is just one of numerous officials who have ignored the detention-until-completion law, according to the CRS report: “For many years, immigration authorities had construed governing statutes and regulations to … [ensure]  alien could seek bond and potentially be released from custody during the pendency of those proceedings.”

The hands-off, no-enforcement policy was reversed by President Donald Trump’s Attorney General, Bill Barr, the CRS report notes:

On April 16, 2019 in [a legal directive titled] Matter of M-S-, however, Attorney General (AG) William Barr reversed this position, ruling instead that aliens apprehended between ports of entry and placed in formal removal proceedings following a credible fear determination remain ineligible for bond [and release].

Barr wrote:

In conclusion, the statutory text, the implementing regulations, and the Supreme Court’s decision in Rodriguez all lead to the same conclusion: that all aliens transferred from expedited to full proceedings after establishing a credible fear are ineligible for bond. [release].

Even pro-migration advocates concede the point. The American Immigration Council, for example, said on March 17, 2022:

The United States has broad authority to detain certain categories of immigrants, migrants, and others seeking humanitarian protection as their proceedings wind their way through the immigration legal system.

The detention law has been on the books since the 1996 reforms, said Law, adding:

It was the George W. Bush/Republican “Any Willing Worker” [policy] that was the beginning of just disregarding the mandatory detention provision. That let economic migrants loose into the interior of the country [supposedly to] show up to their court hearings. But as word got out that this is how the United States was treating migrants, more and more and more [migrants] came and overloaded the [asylum] system.

Trump tried to create a hard reset through [Migrant Protection Protocols] MPP and other deterrence and enforcement measures, but then Biden comes and just basically blows up the entire detention provisions of the [Immigration and Naturalization Act] INA.

The lower court judges in the Biden v. Texas case directed Biden’s deputies to either detain the migrants or keep them in Mexico until their asylum cases is resolved. So far, Mayorkas has sent only a few hundred migrants back to Mexico under MPP. In February, he released almost 73,480 migrants and sent just 93 back to Mexico under MPP.

Some GOP politicians recognize the government-backed labor migration hidden inside the overloaded asylum process.

“We are telling people ‘If you come to the border, and you claim asylum … You can come in,’” Sen. Bob Portman (R-PA) said on March 30. He continued:

By the way, there’s a 1.5 million person backlog for dealing with asylum claims — 1.5 million! This means that when you are allowed into the country to await an immigration judge looking at your case, there will be anywhere from four to six years before your case is considered. While you’re in the United States, … you’re working, your [illegal migrant] kids are going to school, you’re getting your health care, you’re part of the community.

And obviously a lot of these people don’t show up for their [asylum] court case. Some do, some don’t. But the point is this system is attracting people to the border.

Federal immigration law exists to protect the American right to a level playing field in the labor economy from unscrupulous employers, officials, and politicians — such as President George. W. Bush and his “Any Willing Worker” pitch.

Under 8 U.S. Code § 1324a, passed by Congress in 1952, employers are barred from hiring foreigners unless the foreigners have work permits:

(1) In general

It is unlawful for a person or other entity

But three decades of legal and illegal migration has delivered roughly 45 million workers, consumers, and renters into the U.S. economy. That imported population has delivered a colossal windfall to CEOs, investors, and Wall Street.

The mass inflow of legal and illegal immigrants has helped shift roughly $500 billion a year in wages from American employees to investors, according to data in the 2016 report on immigration by the National Academies of Science.

The white-collar visa programs have helped to shrink salaries for American tech graduates and nurses, and to inflate the stock value of Fortune 500 companies by $100 billion, according to migration advocates. Those programs have also helped the C-Suite in many Fortune 500 companies by pushing millions of outspoken American professionals out of tech careers, according to data in a 2021 study by the Census Bureau.

The migration programs have also shifted wages, investment, and wealth from interior cities and states  — Detroit and West Virginia, for example — to the migration-inflated coasts.

The mass inflow of at least 20 million illegal migrant laborers has pushed many Americans into poverty. The March 22 report by the Oxfam anti-poverty group said: “more than 31.9 percent of the US labor force, or 51.9 million workers, currently make less than $15 per hour, and many are stuck at the federal minimum wage, which is less than half of that hourly rate.”

The damage was sketched out by the Washington Post‘s March 20 description of Dave Ramsey, in Lincoln Park, Mich.:

He’d modeled himself after his father, umpiring alongside him in high school and riding with him on private investigations to train as his apprentice. But if his father’s middle class ambitions had fallen apart after 50 years, Dave Jr.’s collapsed by the time he turned 20. He dropped out of school against his father’s advice so he could make some quick money laying cable, got injured at work and then got addicted to the prescription fentanyl patches. He’d gotten clean and stayed that way for the past nine years while taking care of his father and his daughters. He’d even gone back to school at night to earn his diploma, but the life available to him didn’t include the Masons, or a union job, or a thriving American middle class. Instead he’d hustled his way through a series of contracting jobs that paid a living wage one week and nothing the next, until the family’s monthly bills were so far beyond its means that Dave Sr. started burying them in the bottom of a box.

Coastal business groups are cheering the Title 42 takedown. A statement from the Zuckerberg-funded FWD.us advocacy group for West Coast investors said:

The goal should be a functional migration system broader than asylum. This requires expanding legal immigration avenues … Ending Title 42 is only one tiny piece of building that functional migration system,” said the group, whose wealthy founders gain more stock market wealth as the federal government extracts more workers, consumers, and renters for use in the U.S. economy.

But D.C. reporters are oblivious to the law and the economics, in part, because most are pressured by editors to focus on the migrants’ dramatic journeys.

In a call with Department of Homeland Security officials on Friday, agency officials invited questions from at least six favored reporters. But none of the reporters questioned the legality of releasing economic migrants into Americans’ labor market or the impact on Americans. Similarly, CNN’s Jake Tapper interviewed Mayorkas on April 1 and did not question the legality of Mayorkas’s open-borders policies.

Many polls show the public wants to like immigration and immigrants — but it also wants to prioritize fellow Americans.

For example, a March 18-21 poll of 1,050 registered voters by Echelon Insights reported that 29 percent of Americans strongly agreed that “America should not increase the number of immigrants it lets in, as immigrants could lower wages, take jobs away from Americans, and be a drain on taxpayers.”

Just 21 percent strongly agreed that “America should increase the number of immigrants it lets in, as immigrants will help address labor market shortages, start businesses, and revitalize declining cities and towns.”

The government’s operation of the nation’s immigration system is designed to deceive the public and the media about the large-scale extraction of workers and consumers from poor countries, Law said.

It’s always “Can you do just enough to deceive the public?” …  Any removals that are done by the administration are simply [driven by] bad optics, such as the Haitians congregating under the [Del Rio] bridge, when they just can’t get away from the bad publicity. [Then they] say, “Oh, we’re not totally open borders, we’re using our limited resources to get the worst actors.”

The government’s cooperation with the cartels is hidden behind theatrical enforcement of borders laws and a curtain of legal complexity, he said:

They are partners in this business transaction of importing people and workers into the United States. This is this is a mutually beneficial arrangement where the cartels are being enriched by all these people who are paying the money for the transport, and the Biden administration willingly welcomes them, helps process them, and places them wherever they want to be the inside of the country …. So this is 100% a very corrupt business arrangement between the cartels and the Biden ministration.

But the Supreme Court case is exposing the hard-nosed reality of migration behind the border theater, said Law, adding “This is a seminal moment about whether or not we are a nation that has the ability to determine who comes into our country.”

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